How Stalin Used the Four techniques of a Dictator Essay Example

How Stalin Used the Four techniques of a Dictator Essay How Stalin Used the Four Techniques of a Dictator A dictatorship is a system of government where the power is centralized.There are four techniques dictators use to be successful; indoctrination, controlled participation, scapegoating and force.Using these four techniques, dictators can achieve their goals. The purpose of indoctrination is to create a like minded society that believes in the governments policies.When Stalin was the dictator of the Soviet Union, he used indoctrination in the area of religion.He strongly discouraged religion and closed down nearly 40,000 Christian churches and 25,000 mosques.Church leaders were arrested and imprisoned.People who avoided getting arrested were forbidden to organize any religious activity in public.Stalin wanted everyone to believe in Atheism, so the Communist Party set up a League of Militant Atheists whose job it was to turn people away from their religious beliefs.They burnt religious icons, set up anti-religious museums and organized anti-religious propaganda campaigns. The League of Militant Atheists had over 5.5 million members, thus creating a lot of people who thought the same way about religion. Stalin also used indoctrination in the area of culture.All artists, writers, painters, composers, were kept on a strict watch by the Communist Party to make sure that they all supported the Party and the government.To be a writer in the Soviet Union, you had to join the Union of Soviet Writers.If you were a member of this organization, your writing had to follow a policy ofsocialist realism.This meant that all writing including novels, filmscripts, poems, plays and journalism had to deal with the lives of ordinary working people and show the advancement of Communism.The same applied to all other creative artists.If you didnt conform, you would be sent to labor camps.Therefore, Soviet people were able to read only books that suppo

What makes a good student - all the useful tips to get a hold of!

What makes a good student - all the useful tips to get a hold of! Weve all heard the lectures. Being a good student means going to class, putting on your listening ears, taking notes, and getting those assignments in on time. And for the most part, this advice is correct. Students who get good grades basically do this. If you are not getting the grades you want, however, here are a few tricks that will help you figure out how to become a better student. Pay Attention in Class Sorry, but there is important stuff in those lectures and slides, and you are going to have to focus on the information you are being given. So, heres what you do. Sit in the front row I know, its painful, but youll be thankful later on. Stop texting and put our phone in camera mode Listen to the lecture, take notes, and get a picture of every slide and of everything your professor puts on that white board. Use zoom so it is really readable later on. Make eye contact with our instructor or professor and nod your head often its impressive When You Get Back to Your Room Type up your notes and make a folder for them on your desktop. Just typing them puts them in your head again, and, when you pull them out to study for a test, your memory will be better. And transfer those pictures into that folder too. Date your notes and the photos so you know they go together. Stop Procrastinating With Those Assignments The daily assignments are mostly reading, so the only smart thing to do is not get behind by putting it off. People have tried that old trick of putting the book under their pillows at night hoping to absorb the content it doesnt work. As you read, take notes on your computer If you do this, you have condensed the content and you dont have to re-read the text the night before the final. This does work. Are you getting the idea now? Learning how to be a better student is really learning how to get more organized. Accept Your Failings You are not perfect, and there are those long-range assignments that tend to creep up without your conscious awareness. All of a sudden they are due those essays and papers and you go into panic mode. There isnt enough time. You have a couple of options: Heres where the finesse comes in. remember how you have been sitting in the front row, looking intently and nodding? It may come in handy now. Go see that professor and ask for an extension. You might just get it, since s/he thinks youre a serious student. When all else fails, or if you know our writing skill development stopped somewhere back in middle school, find a reputable online writing service, and get those papers ordered up. So, what makes a good student? Exactly what you are doing now, if you follow these tips!

Richard M. Nixon Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Richard M. Nixon - Essay Example The following work is an essay that evaluates Richard M. Nixon’s life both as a man and as a president according to Herbert S. Parmet’s book, putting into consideration his successes and failures and his schematic character. Early life Richard Nixon was the second in a family of five boys born of Francis and Hannah Nixon. Nixon and their family lived in a house built by his father Francis in a lemon grove in California. Two of his brothers, Harold and Donald died of tuberculosis. The family was not very poor and not financially well, but grew its own food (Parmet 6). As the father practiced carpentry, the other members worked on the farm. Nixon’s father had strong affiliations to the Republican Party, and supported the party’s candidates for presidency. His political passion drew Richard’s attention and started surfacing after a short while as he campaigned for one of his father’s favorite candidates, Warren G. Harding. Education and Career g oals Nixon attended a village school in the neighborhood for his education. After the election of Harding to the presidency, Nixon, at the age of nine read an article that presented a scandal called Tea Dome where the Harding’s secretary conducted a secret lease of oil fields belonging to the government at Tea Dome, California to his friends (Parmet 17). Nixon looked at her mother reading the article and said he would be an incorruptible lawyer when he grew up. On his eighth grade, Nixon expressed his wishes of becoming a lawyer and a politician in an essay so that he could stand for the people. Nixon’s family moved to a new town after the lemon land failed, where his father started a business at a gas station, as Nixon’s mother Hannah sold cakes and pies. Nixon’s inspiration at hard work came from their father’s always the reminder of working hard in all aspects of life. Richard assumed the responsibility of buying fresh vegetables and fruits from the market after he grew old, and would wake up early in the morning to get the best of these. With this entire tight schedule, Richard managed to get to school by eight o’clock. Richard’s hard work in class made him become one of the best students in the school. His career for becoming a politician becomes evident in high school when he joins the school debate club, and tried politics when he vied for the class presidency at Whittier High School, which he lost. Because of the Great Depression, hardships reigned in almost every part of the country, leaving Nixon and family without much money, just like the others. Disappointments made Nixon work harder participating in plays and debates, which saw him elected president of the student body. Nixon’s hard work in college made him second in class. His dream of becoming a lawyer neared fulfillment when he went Duke University School of law in Northern California. At the school, his hard work was still his four goals , and Nixon continued outworking everyone whom he competed. His hard work saw him graduate third. Nixon was elected president of Duke Student Bar Association. Nixon had hoped his academic progress would enable him secure job with the FBI or a law firm, but was turned down because it lacked money to hire new agents. Nixon returned to Whittier where he worked with local law firms, as he still acted in community plays. While in play industry, he met Catherine, nicknamed Pat and convinced her until they married after the start of

Admission questions Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Admission questions - Essay Example Since the role and responsibilities of a public affairs research analyst includes analyzing and creating a general program on state legislative issues that will help support the entire State and Local government affairs, it is crucial on my part to have a good insight with regards to how public policies are being created. To enable me achieve my professional goal, I intend to work in the local government as a researcher on government-related affairs. Having at least one or two years of work experience in this field will increase my internet research skills which is necessary in keeping myself updated with the current political issues that is going on in our country. Aside from strengthening my oral and written communication skills, taking the job as a researcher will allow me to become more familiar with regards to the process behind the state legislative regulations. Back in 1951, six European states came into an economic agreement forming the European Union (EU). Today, there are 27 countries across European continent as members of the EU (Central Intelligence Agency). These countries include: Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, and UK (ibid). Given that the concept of integrating the socio-economic and political activities of 27 countries into a single body is new, the European Union is going through a trial and errors process in order for them to be able to establish a single policy that will effectively work well for all members of the union. As a nation, political groups are expected to create balance and harmony between socio-economic rights and civil rights of the local citizens. I it understandable that establishing a single political group is necessary

Fences, a play by August Wilson Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Fences, a play by August Wilson - Research Paper Example This huge disenchantment sets the tone of the play. Troy is a tragic figure beset with waves of bad fortune, a victim of his time but as much his own fault. Troy’s tragic life is made more poignant by the author painting him as a tragic hero. Troy’s myopic interpretation of things and his unwillingness to adapt to reality are his two biggest flaws, blinding him and leading to his ultimate undoing. Troy is presented with opportunities to make peace with the other characters and redeem himself at critical crossroads but sadly he chose to remain in his fabricated world and his tragedy. The onset of act one, scene one provides the context of the big disenchantment in Troy’s life, that of his thwarted dream, resulting in his leading a mundane existence as a garbage collector. Troy has once been a promising baseball player in his prime, but he has been stripped of his chance to make it big in the Major Leagues because of his color. Troy could not reconcile with the fac t that he is too old to play in the Leagues when it finally opened up to black players and this residual bitterness and resentment distorted most of Troy’s perspective on things and people and reinforced his belief that he is a victim of his time. Despite this, Troy has never let go of his identity as a ball player. He continues to use baseball jargons to reflect his world view as in act one, scene one where he says â€Å"Death ain’t nothing but as fastball on the outside corner.† To his credit, Troy has fought back to emerge as a literary hero at the beginning of the play, where the other characters seem to revere him as the sole provider for the family and a fighter for equality at work. Troy’s flaws, however work against him. His narrow-minded perception has evolved into a dual set of standards over time in judging himself and others. This can be seen in Troy carrying himself around with excessive importance as the breadwinner but belittles of the work and accomplishment of others as in act one, scene three, â€Å"I do the best I can do. I come in here every Friday, I carry a sack of potatoes†¦you all line up with your hands stretched out at the door†¦I give you my sweat and my blood I ain’t got no tears†. To Troy, elder son Lyons’ chosen vocation as a jazz musician is simply a stunt in playing â€Å"Chinese music† and not serious work. Troy deduces this as the reason Lyons returns home to borrow money from him. As for Cory, his break into professional football hits a raw nerve in Troy’s thwarted dream. Troy could not accept that times have changed for black sportsman and Cory could actually make a career out of it. Cory brings up the achievement of black players like Clemente and Aaron and Kouflax, but Troy deflates their contributions. When Troy is losing out his argument to Cory, he throws the punch line, â€Å"I ain’t no Sandy Kouflax† in act one, scene three.. Instea d, he wants Cory to stay at a job instead of pursuing football. Cory’s giving away his job at A&P supermarket is seen by Troy as an act of defiance against him. Troy therefore imposes his authoritative presence on Cory in act one, scene three where he sabotages Cory’s opportunity by telling Cory’s coach that he can no longer play on his team. Troy’s shortsightedness prevents him from seeing the further ramifications of his act. Troy reasons that by sabotaging Cory’s chance would teach his son to obey his wishes. Instead it has set the wheels to motion to

Michel Foucault In Discipline And Punish Sociology Essay

Michel Foucault In Discipline And Punish Sociology Essay Michel Foucault in Discipline and Punish and The History of Sexuality, demonstrates that the tools of disciplinarity (which emerged in the confluence of critical, historical upheavals immediately preceding the modern age, such as geometric demographic expansion, reconfiguring global financial and mercantile apparatuses, the redefinition of territorial boundaries through global explosion and the ensuring establishments of empires, the ad hoc onset of the Industrial Revolution, etc.), upon being brought into proximity to about the only things that presently we are able to bring to it, such as a proclivity towards petty moralizing, our social prejudices, our racial intolerances, the petty agendas of the bourgeoisie empirical lifestyle enclaves, etc., operate what they have been designed to do, namely the re-proliferation, expansion, multiplication, amplification, production of manipulated strategies for administering populations, under the guise of it redounding to the so-called public interest, which on the whole underwrite unconscionable amounts of paralysis, social dissatisfaction and numerous suffering. At the heart of Michel Foucaults epistemic discussions on the reorganization of knowledge in the human sciences is his argument during the 1970s that such reshaping established contemporary arrangements of power and domination. Power, he defines, is the multiplicity of force relations immanent in the sphere in which they operate and which constitute their own organization.  [1]  His comprehensive historical analysis on the advent of disciplinary apparatus in Discipline and Punish and discourses on compartmentalization of sex and sexuality, and bio-power in The History of Sexuality postulate an apparent political positioning of power in the sphere of modernity, hence, paving way for a dynamic interpretation of his own understanding of it and the encompassing entity of knowledge. This academic paper aims to expound on the place of power and knowledge in Foucaults historical studies on prison and other modern forms of disciplinary institutions, and scientific discourses about sexuality and its deployments. The paper is divided into two parts and will proceed accordingly. The first part comprises the reiteration of Foucaults claims on tools of disciplinary institutions as polymorphous, hence the interwoven appearance of new forms knowledge and power during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. By having constructed the reciprocity in the entrainment of knowledge and power in the context of the penal system, Foucault tries to demarcate the bounds of these two entities, but also ensures that each converge on the confines of modern disciplinarity (such as geometric demographic expansions). In other words, Foucault does not concern himself with distinguishing the identity of knowledge against power, or vice versa, but having and understanding knowledge and power in a mutual reinforcing relation so that each is sustaining the authority of the other.  [2]   This paper also argues that what drove the tools of disciplinarity as new forms of knowledge and power to operate the way they do, as in seemingly paralyzing humanity on its actions, is because, in the first place, they were programmed to act as the antithesis to the utopia vowed by the Enlightenment; hence are hostile to begin with, yet have been stabilized by mans hopeless state to resist them, as implied in the works of Foucault. The second part is a critical analysis on two viz. (1) pedagogization of childrens sex, and (2) socialization of procreative behavior of what Foucault labels as four great strategic unities that formed specific mechanisms of knowledge and power centering on sex at the start of the eighteenth century whence the proliferation of the production of sexuality started to surface and became a historical construct. Their ontological and epistemological position allowed them to function in autonomy by which they imposed an explicit but restricted methodology in the generation and dictums of new knowledge saturated with sexuality through which these deployments asserted their own perilous power.  [3]   I The underlying theme of the reorganization of knowledge in Foucaults works was broadened and highlighted by the introduction of the contemporary prison system in Discipline and Punish. By having the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries explicitly set in the realm of discipline, observation, and chains of restriction, Foucault made it possible in his book to produce new knowledge even as they created new forms of social control.  [4]  The new penal system has [i]ts fateà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦to be redefined by knowledge.  [5]  Davidson argues that Foucaults modern prison also serves as a reference point for his scrupulous analytics of power;  [6]  hence, the horrific revelation and comparison of the spectacle of the early eighteenth century punishment over the subtlety of the new penal structure exemplifying the scope and the measure of steadiness of power throughout its transformations under different circumstances. This is one of the most crucial points that Foucault purports. As mentioned above, the prevailing prison system became his reference point in the analytics of knowledge and power, and it is not hard to deconstruct why. As it were, it can be seen that Foucault was indulging himself in the line that separates the violent yet sporadic carrying out of detrimental force that targeted the body (e.g. public tortures and eventual public executions) and the imposition of a mass of juridical absurdities  [7]  by the modern-day form of discipline: It was a question not of treating the body, en masse, wholesale, as if it were an indissociable unity, but of working it retail, individually; of exercising upon it a subtle coercion, of obtaining holds upon it at the level of mechanism itself movements, gestures, attitudes, rapidity: an infinitesimal power over the active body.  [8]   The imposition of discipline reconstructs power in the manufacture of new behavior newfound techniques, newborn gesticulation, new actions and ultimately, new breeds of people. Now, power is not merely power per se in its traditional sense, but it is a power that involves obedience on influence and exploitation. This is what Foucault meant in his discourse on docile bodies. Indeed, the human body was entering a machinery of power that explores it, breaks it down and rearranges it.  [9]  It is a power that is autonomous, ad hominem and utilitarian. Allen argues that those who discipline, apart from having a hold over the mobilization of others bodies, become compelled in always ricocheting back on specialist knowledge, whence knowledge and power come into a mutual crisscross to finally augment each other. Everything comes in tandem: there can be no criminology without prisons or medicine without clinic for knowledge is only possible in its compromise with the reciprocating patte rns in the exercise of power.  [10]  Borrowing the words of Robinson and Davies, disciplinary apparatuses, indeed, cater to a compulsory captive audience.  [11]  Thus, Foucault says, discipline produces subjected and practiced bodies, docile bodies.  [12]   The above mentioned means of subjection, along with the time cards, bundy clocks, expected movements, documented schedules, etc., operated subtly through the shake-up of space and time by which peoples perform; hence, the formulation of an indirect flow of action, cellular segmentation, and organic control, given by the partitioning and distribution of activities. They served to economize the time of life and to exercise power over men through mediation of time, leaning on a subjection that has never reached its limit.  [13]   The above interventions paved way for the turn-around between power and perceptibility. There was a swing in political strategies from the presentation of power as spectacle to its employment in perceiving the target thoroughly, i.e., to see and hear him, to monitor and evaluate him, even at a distance. Surveillance, or panopticism, which proved to be far more complex than the sheer exhibition of force, became the autonomous impetus that massively drives action. By being everywhere, surveillance forces the target to always stand on attention as he is constantly located; it allows the disciplinary power to be absolutely indiscreet and to be exercised without division: an automatic functioning of power.  [14]   Rouse provided a physical description of surveillance. According to him, surveillance was not only manifest as affixed to the walls or structures of institutions, whose primary aim, again, was to enrich the capacity to perceive, but also in the creation or extension of rituals, particularly examinations such as psychiatric tests, job interviews, meetings, and even military exercise wherein the commander only stands aside to witness the passing of a marching troop instead of actually being its forefront figure.  [15]   Foucaults argument of panopticism and how it is improbable for people to not be observed shows its extent in The History of Sexuality. He argues that with the assimilation of the discourse of the sins of the flesh in the Catholic confession after the Council of Trent (Counter-Reformation), and even just traditional confession per se, the Church created a hold on its faithful by subjugating them to perfect obedience. Even through the screens of confessional boxes, one is compelled to allow himself to be audible, hence perceived, by an authority. Foucault argues: We have since become a singularly confessing society. The confession has spread its effects far and wide. It plays a part inà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦the most ordinary affairs of everyday life, and in the most solemn rites; à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦one goes about telling, with the greatest precision, whatever is most difficult to tell. One confesses in public and in private, to ones parents, ones educators, ones doctor, to those one loves; one admits to oneself, in pleasure and in pain, things it would be impossible to tell to anyone else, the things people write books about. One confesses-or is forced to confessà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦man has become a confessing animal.  [16]   Such manifestations of panopticism and process of keeping records chains behavior exactly by the manner in which it creates more and more access for things and phenomena to be known. Yet, digging more deeply, it must be argued that such new forms of knowledge also assume new sets of constraints, which in turn allow peoples movement to be perceived. Rouse asserts that such more specific knowledge makes room for also a more omnipresent constraint on peoples actions cycling towards the vast probabilities for more intrusive inquiry and disclosure.  [17]   These knowledge and power techniques have two-fold insinuations. First, they operated to control, or, to a higher extent, neutralize, societal factors that are deemed perilous and threat to what has already been established. Second, having controlled such unusual and abnormal elements, they provide an avenue for the enhancement of productivity and utilization of their subjects. By doing so, the use of these knowledge and power that was initially applicable only to quarantined institutions, such as prisons and mental wards in other words, exclusive and extreme entities was slowly emancipated and incorporated into an assortment of new contexts; hence allowing the expansion of their application. Foucault named this as the swarming of disciplinary mechanisms and argues: While, on the one hand, the disciplinary establishments increase, their mechanisms have a certain tendency to become de-institutionalized, to emerge from the closed fortresses in which they once functioned and to circulate in a free state; the massive, compact disciplines are broken down into flexible methods of control.  [18]   He adds that On the whole, therefore, one can speak of the formation of a disciplinary society in this movement that stretches from the enclosed disciplines, a sort of social quarantine, to an indefinitely generalizable mechanism of panopticism. Not because the disciplinary modality of power has replaced all others; but because it has infiltrated the others, sometimes undermining them, but serving as an intermediary between themà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦and above all making it possible to bring the effects of power to the most minute and distant elements.  [19]   These present-day techniques ought not to be understood as a place-over upon prior structure/s. Instead, these practices ought to be realized as constituting wholly different objects for knowledge to be tickled. Amongst these new sets are strategic statistics and inputs, such as geometric demographic expansion, and the redefinition of territorial boundaries according to the continuing progressive development in International Relations; structures that incessantly tackles development, as in reconfiguration of global financial and mercantile apparatuses, or age-group and pedagogical attainments; distribution patterns, like income distribution in households, and a history of familial diseases like cancer and diabetes; and indications of the state of life like cholesterol and sugar count. Consequently, such practices generate redefined, if not new enough, types of human subjects in consanguinity with another phase of production of new knowledge, objects, and power modalities. These political practices constitute a very methodical comprehension of the individual, of course through the assistance of the elements that compose panopticism. Foucault, in Discipline and Punish, argues that such knowledge engraves a barrier that maintains the targets individuality in his very own individuality. Hence, there is a permanence of knowledge, a knowledge by which the progress of the individuality of the target is always under scrutiny and evaluation.  [20]   The more important thing, though, is that this knowledge of individuality, individuating comprehension call it what you may plays a crucial role in the economization and politicization of the population. In The History of Sexuality, Foucault argues that peoples have also been singled-out, i.e., instead of dealing with people or subjects, the government has now shifted its attention and focused on dealing with a population with all its encompassing features that, just like the individual, had also been subjected to surveillance: mortality rates, healthiness, history of diseases, immunity to them, etc. All this individualizing of the people as a population always involve a reflux into the politic and economic in the population, i.e., population as labor force, population and efficiency in resource allocation, etc.  [21]   Foucault associates the above knowledge on individuality with the regulation of the individualized people, or population, with the concept of normalization, which purports mutuality with the knowledge and comprehension of populations by determining distributions. Lorentzen argues that norms occupy the whole of society, yet impose the greatest influence on institutions like church, school, and household;  [22]  in short, the ones that hold specific populations, such as students and families. Hacking, in his book The Taming of Chance, defined normal distribution as something that tries to promote constancy in numbers as implied in the survey of Europeans on their populations.  [23]  Along with certain populations, the individual also aids in the production of knowledge by being listed under a category; hence, he is epistemologically located without degrading into the standard. For Foucault, normalization is individualization because, although it imposes homogeneity, it also ind ividualizes by making it possible to measure gaps, to determine levels, to fix specialties and to render the differences useful by fitting them one to another.  [24]   In conclusion, it can be said that the influx of newly constructed knowledge and power operate today the way they do because they were meant to counter the premise and promise of the Enlightenment. Enlightenment was the advance of thought  [25]  that aims, in this case, to cultivate the prison and/or penal system as humanly as demanded by the modern society, and to emancipate mankind from sexual repression. But Foucault has presented it with a sense of hostility, if not real contradiction. As formerly vastly discoursed in this paper, the civilized prison and liberated sexuality further entangles humanity, and Foucaults presentation of these entities addresses the materializing need to resist them as contemporary modes of knowledge and power. Yet, to go with this, he also insinuates that such resistance has no solid framework to come into existence, hence creating that in-between where there is a shocking paralysis engulfing man, and suffering and dissatisfaction looming amongst t hem. II Some of the increase in child abuse is due to the publicity itself.  [26]   Ian Hacking The History of Sexuality portrays the interrelation between knowledge and power through a historical account of the origin of the context of sexuality. It is not a given, but rather a historical construct of discourse. Its mode of deployments created new power relations parents on their offspring, psychiatrists and doctors on patients, men on women, youth and old, etc. and exercise further control on also extended areas; hence, were able to legitimize the knowledge it purports.  [27]   Foucault discusses four great lines of attack which the politics of sex advanced for two centuries,  [28]  yet are still prevalent in the society today. Two of which shall be discussed shortly, viz. the pedagogization of childrens sex and socialization of procreative behavior. Pedagogization of childrens sex. The convergence of knowledge and power in and on the bodies of children allows the gathering of data on what is medically appropriate for them, in congruence with what is also necessary for their educators and parents to maintain that medically appropriate environment, influence, and other factors in which they are deemed to operate upon. A journal in 2008 by Kerry Robinson and Cristyn Davies regarding the relationship of sexuality with the childhood of Australian children ought to shed light on this first deployment under the scope of this paper. According to Robinson and Davies, the means by which Australian kids ought to acquire knowledge on sexual related phenomenon have been transformed into something controversial by the great debates whether the pedagogy on sexuality ought to occur at home, under the supervision of parents, or at school by the childrens educators. Finally, for various reasons, the school was selected to address sexuality to children, yet Robinson and Davies argues that by the continuous denial of the education curricula on sexuality as an important part of childrens identities, childhood and sexuality become compartmentalized as purely social constructions by which there is a naturalization of heterosexuality as the norm of sexuality and hence strengthening heteronormativity amongst children.  [29]   By having children perceived as docile bodies, schooling became a disciplining state apparatus, whence the knowledge-power nexus operates through the imposition of knowledge-regulating documents, such as Health Curriculum and Health and Personal Development/Health/Physical Education (PH/H/PE), which constitute the heteronormativity of children as subjects.  [30]  The practices involved in these documents gradually become assimilated in the general physical state of children, and whatever knowledge regarding sexuality was allowed to penetrate into the childrens minds was always highly regulated by social norms and religious taboos that depersonalised the processes for both the children and the teachers.  [31]   Earlier in 2007, Philo analyzed a radio broadcast that involved Foucault referencing to childrens games like tents around gardens or those that are played on top or under their parents beds. He argues that, indeed, what these games imply is an attention to the reverberating theme of wider trans-disciplinary field of social inquiries into children, especially with sexuality, although he was apprehensive about some of Foucaults claims.  [32]   Both of the assertions of the above mentioned intellectual studies resonate to the underlying assumptions made by Foucault. On the one hand, Philos article is a proof of half of the assertion of the deployment of sexuality currently at hand that children have the natural inclination to participate in sexual activities; whilst, on the other, Robinson and Davies study constitute the significant other half that institutions, such as, in this case, school and families, are the intermediary entities that limit the dangerous sexual potential immanent in children.  [33]   Given the above assumptions, it is easy to go back to the premise of Foucaults disciplinary apparatus and relate this pedagogization as one of its most influential tools. Putting into context Hackings argument which was cited at the opening of this chapter, it can be said that such pedagogization does not much have of an impact to its intended target in children as much as it does for the people revolving around the target. With the prestigious promise of pedagogical, as well as medical, knowledge about sexuality on children, it has functioned as a regulatory tool in reshaping, and perhaps instilling imaginations that never surfaced until then, the minds of people in the hierarchy of societies that looks onto the childrens. By knowing the constraints of teachers, doctors, and parents on maintaining the childs framework towards his sexuality, it has become easier for other people to imagine otherwise; hence, child abuse became and continues to become increasingly prevalent. In short, though the pedagogization of childrens sex allows children to be oriented in a pre-defined structure, it has had become more of a tool for disciplinarity on the outside audience; therefore, another state of limbo, of paralysis, perpetuates around the surface of human action. Socialization of procreative behavior. As it was scrupulously discussed at the earlier parts of this paper, population is one of the central themes of The History of Sexuality. Knowledge and power also converges on couples, allowing their growth on their circulation through the procreative capacity of the married pair. What could be the perfect example of this deployment other than the components of the current debate on the Reproductive Health Bill? Yet its discussion remains to be written on another academic paper. The issues on fertility, regulating procreation through contraception and abortion, and enhancing human propagation through modern reproductive technologies circumscribe the married pair to function accordingly in this deployment of sexuality. Indeed, often that this deployment of sexuality is understood in the context of the medical field and economic. How, for example, has impotence evolved from being technically uselessness and meaninglessness before to something that can be remedied by the science of medicine today? Having no children before yields into an immediate notion of non-productivity, but today one may think otherwise. Yet, one of the many implications of this deployment that is not necessarily given that as much attention as compared to medicine is sex differences, the very indicator of procreativity. Cook, in her work The Personality and Procreative Behavior of Trial Judges, attempted to look into sex as an emerging concept in the sphere of political participation, approaches, and socialization of men and women trial judges. For example, women trial judges decision on what political arena they would immerse themselves into is affected by socio-cultural factors like obligations at home or with children. Men j udges, on the other hand, have a higher rate of participation in the political sphere, not only because of less pressure in terms of the constraints of household and domestic obligations, but also of less structured functions (i.e., as compared to womens political role being translated from their home-making role, men judges have definite and straight-to-the-point objectives in the realm of politics)

Writing about Love Essay -- Love Poems Poetry Literature Essays

Writing about Love Love poems have always been very popular because love is one of the deepest emotions that people can feel and poetry is a good way to express such an emotion. When people think of love, they think of a typical romantic love but an exploration of pre-1914 love poetry shows other types of love such as unrequited love and obsessive love. The poems I will explore in depth are ‘To his Coy Mistress’ by Andrew Marvin, ‘The Garden of Love’ by William Blake, and ‘How do I love thee’ by Elizabeth Barrett-Browning. Blake’s poem ‘The Garden of Love’ is his view of being deceived by the perception of marriage. He has shown this by using the Chapel to symbolize marriage. When he gets there he finds ‘Thou shalt not’ written over the door and he thinks this symbolizes restrictions. He uses the language of the Ten Commandments to emphasize this. He also finds a gate around the Chapel, symbolizing yet more restrictions. The tone of the poem is negative and this is unlike the other poems which show a more optimistic view of love. This negative tone is shown by the ‘tombstones’ being where the flowers of the ‘Garden of Love’ should be. This may have been influenced by the fact that Blake was writing in the time of the French Revolution which was a time of great social upheaval and uncertainty. Also this poem is part of Blake’s ‘Songs of Experience’ where he goes back to some earlier ideas and finds hat things that seemed good when he was younger are not so good when you grow older. Another poem with a negative tone is ‘Villegiature’ by Edith Nesbit who was writing after Blake. This poem is not about the restrictions of marriage but about a possible romance that has fallen apart. Blake’s poem seems... ...at if they stay together their love will never die. In Elizabeth Barrett Browning’s ‘How Do I Love Thee?’ there is also use of hyperbole. For example in the last line she says ‘I shall but love thee better after death’ Barrett Browning uses the hyperbole to show romantic love. The love is so strong in this poem it can almost become unrequited love as she almost idolizes this person. Barrett Browning tries to measure her love for this man. The use of repetition of ‘I love thee’ may give a tedious tone to this poem but it really emphasizes her point. As her love in this poem is so large to explain she compares it to situations showing strength or other emotions such as joy, but even sadness is involved from the reference of tears. I think this shows that all her life and after goes into this kind of love not just the good times and it is hard work.